A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essays

A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essays A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essay A Response to Richard Vernons Article The Federal Citizen Essay In this response I will attempt to prove that federalism is not an ideologically determined system, and that the basis of its structure is visible in all types of political orientation, such as the United States, the former Soviet Union and Canada. In this response to Richard Vernons article The Federal Citizen, I will attempt to prove that the essence of federalism is actually a general theme that is available for extraction in all levels of human interaction, from the individual in society to the highest level of supra-government. As Vernon concludes, the three conceptions which necessitate federalism as a constitutional entity are; democratic responsiveness, the openness of choice of identification, and the preservation of politics from (unqualified) nationalism.1 To begin an assessment of Vernons argument for federalism it is first necessary to have a working definition of what this system is and what the goals of its implementation are. It appears to be the idea of dual citizenship, which distinguishes the aspirations of federalism from other systems. This entails belonging to an upper-level national government as well as identifying oneself with a sub level provincial or territorial government. While this is generally agreed to be the goal of federalism, its implementation and even its purpose have been consequently stretched to all shades of the political spectre. Being a broad and loosely defined doctrine, I have chosen to divide my assessment of federalism into four sections, defined as an ideology, a political tool an individual modus operandi and as an economic model. Vernons own definition appears to fulfill the ideological perspective quite neatly and requires no further introduction. As a political tool, federalism attempts to strike a balance between the powers of governmental levels as well as providing representation for majority and minority groups simultaneously. For the individual, federalism can be viewed as a method of placing oneself in the context of ones community and nation simultaneously and separately. The economic view of the federal model is a theory for maximizing utility, in monetary and social forms, while minimizing the costs to create an optimally efficient entity. Two popular forms of federalism which can be inspected from these four perspectives are inter and intra-federalism. Inter-state federalism supports strong decentralized provincial governments where the upper level government serves to monitor the activities of the sub level governments and lead the pursuit of general common goals. From an ideological perspective, inter-state federalism avoids the problem of monarchies and empires that have a centralized structure, which makes them vulnerable to revolution or attack at a single geographical point, the Roman Empire would be a suitable example of such a system. The political analysis reveals that this breed of federalism can lead to an insulation of the individual provinces and, as in the case of Quebec, may cause individual provinces to seek secession from the federal government. It would also appear that minorities within the provinces themselves would not have as high a chance of assistance from the federal government, which would be effectively subservient to the combined powers of the provincial governments. From an individual point of view, a citizen would be more concerned with the political occurrences of her own province and feel a general apathy toward political action at the highest level as well as a disinterest in international politics. A modern example of one of the shortcomings of inter-state federalism is available in the American Civil Rights movement. A deadlock between state and federal government in Alabama meant that racial segregation policies in schools were not officially ratified until 1968, a substantially long time if one considers the date at which Abraham Lincoln officially freed African Americans. This example indicates the general problem of a lack of responsiveness by government to implement immediately the ideological principles it bases itself upon. An economic critique of inter-state federalism reveals that the lack of unification will lead to a dis-economy of scale, meaning that resources that might have been saved through mass, or national, production were used inefficiently. Another interesting consequence of the economic model analysis, is that redistribution of goods or services by a more balkanized government, has the potential of favouritism between jurisdictional levels, assuming that territorial divisions create pockets of culturally or otherwise distinct groups who may be favoured over others. As the division of power gives more individuals the authority to distribute goods or services to smaller groups of individuals, it is assumed that an increase in favouritism will occur. On the other side of the spectre we find intra-state federalism, which concentrates combined regional interests at the centre of government. While in its most extreme form intra-state federalism is nothing more than pluralism, and therefore uninteresting to an exploration of federalism; paradoxically, not all its premises have been denounced. Even anarchist writers such as Proudhon, sought the influence of the intra-state upper level government in their political writings to act as a guarantor of civil liberties and minority rights. Of course, the centralized government from this perspective does not increase its democratic responsiveness to the individual citizen, nor does it protect its citizenry from unqualified nationalism. The argument of political thinkers such as Proudhon, and later George Woodcock, is that a nation-state is too vast and remote to serve the individual citizen adequately; the bureaucracy of large government is too inhuman to accommodate the needs and desires of the people it wishes to represent. Only by narrowing the focus and reducing the size of the government and its population can the institution of government be representative of its people. This theory is considered to be a co-operative model of federalism, where all actions of government are a direct result of popular will. Unfortunately, this theory does little to support the case of minority populations and would necessitate an environment of dispassionate compromise and would pose a threat to groups that tried to distinguish themselves culturally or otherwise. This model is contrasted by a political view of pluralism, where divisions of territory are seen not as cultural demarcations but as fractions of the whole system, where power is checked and balanced by other delegates of power. This picture conflicts with the intended co-operative spirit, and would be just as likely to lead to the restraining of beneficial government action as it would be to enabling it. A division of territory will inevitably lead to inequalities between provinces, consequently, if these divisions are placed in conflict with each other there will doubtlessly be victors and vanquished. It seems fantastic that a single political system could sustain being equally present on opposite sides of the political arena. To arrive any nearer the exact nature of what federalism represents it will be necessary to look slightly more philosophically at what exactly the implications of a multi-levelled government are. Throughout the arguments presented above, it would appear that the dualistic nature of self-identification has survived. I would presently like to propose that its survival is due to the fact that it is prevalent everywhere. The attitude of being from a country but a culturally distinct part of that country is not exclusive to federal nations. I myself being from Norway, consider Bergen my home, and culturally distinct from the rest of the nation. Similar cases are extant throughout the world, from London to Thailand, people will always find ways to distinguish and associate themselves. In terms of political interests, unitary countries often have a citizenry who are more acutely aware of developments on the national level not only of their own nation but of those around it as well. The development of the European Union has had a tremendous impact on how citizens of separate nation-states see themselves as a part of a whole, and the improvement and maintenance of that whole as a collective responsibility. To expand the argument outwards, the United Nations has the potential to unify all nations as subordinate entities. It would appear that federalism is not a necessary condition for a dualistic existence where an individual feels responsibility towards two separate political bodies; the evidence seems to indicate that many people exist on multiple levels of commitment and that the numbers of these allegiances are determined by ones own awareness of the world. I would propose that the theory of Vernons dualism could be transferred to the general principle of awareness, albeit in his case of a political nature. The only remaining arguments for federalism were the three presented at the beginning of this response, namely, democratic responsiveness, choice of identification and protection from unqualified nationalism. To argue against these points individually will require that they are accepted as legitimate claims, in spite of the fact that they all contain an ideological bias. If the premise that federalism is a system without ideological attachments is accepted then all three points become moot. However, I would like to argue that another outlook is available that achieves these apparent goals of federalism. It seems that at least two of the three ideological prerequisites for the existence of federalism, the choice of identification and the protection from unqualified nationalism, can be better and more precisely met by looking outside of the national arena altogether. By having a greater awareness of ones identity in a global context, one would be more free to choose which aspects of that identity one wished to represent and less inclined towards the celebration of one nation-state alone. As argued by Plato in The Republic, the structure of man and a community serve as interchangeable vehicles. Therefore, if it is possible to define a mode of behaviour on a personal level, that exact form is applicable in a proportionate dimension to nation-states or international organisations. The argument proceeds, that an analysis of a given political structure or society will reveal the form of the individuals within that society, in effect their social roles. It is on this principle that I believe the third goal of Vernons federalism is to be found. I would like to argue that the essence of democracy is a philosophical state of being with a pattern of behaviour associated with that state. It would be futile to look to the real world for a responsive democratic government, as with federalism, democracy has become an abstract notion that all countries of the world either title themselves or aspire to. We must therefore accept democracy as an abstract mental projection, an ideal form to which we find only distortions in reality. The essence of democracy is arguably somewhere in between fairness and justice; again two abstract projections neither of which can be said to have corresponding physical manifestations. Therefore, the implications of the term democratic responsiveness are much more complex than a mere streamlining of bureaucratic protocol. I will unfortunately, be unable to give any alternative to federalism for this goal, as I am u nsure of its exact meaning and of Richard Vernons intent when he stated it. The reason that I feel Vernon and his predecessors failed to disentangle themselves from the federalist notion was that they tried to build a framework specific to their political alliances. By setting ideological parameters on a universal principle such as awareness, they blinded their own awareness to the essential truth of what they were exploring. Instead of seeing the ability to juggle several conflicting alliances simultaneously as a natural and necessary condition of human and therefore societal existence, Vernon attempted to establish an absolute truth within a very specific theoretical framework. What he failed to realize was that this basic condition of awareness was the absolute truth and that it existed independent of any political system or framework. I would like to challenge Vernon to find any extant political or social system that could not be interpreted as having his general federalist structure. In conclusion, I would argue that the importance of federalism as a dualist system is a misconception and that all politically aware people exist and view themselves in a multi-levelled society. Vernons ideological claims are not best represented by federalism from an individualistic, ideological, economic or political standpoint. The basic tenants of federalism, as outlined in his closing remarks are not representative of the broad political spectrum which the system crosses. I believe that for federalism to become a concrete political system would require a much closer definition of its constitutional framework.

Space Exploration - Past, Present and Future essays

Space Exploration - Past, Present and Future essays Ever since the beginning of time, mankind has been fascinated with wonders of space. Before the mid-1900s, all mankind could do was gaze at the stars from Earth and wonder what it would be like to go into space. Man would look through telescopes and make theories on how the universe worked. During the mid-1900s, mankind finally was able to send a man into space and explore the wonders of space first hand. So why do humans explore space? Well, it is our fascination with the unknown. At first, all mankind did was look up and wonder how things became what they are now. We started to think that all celestial bodies revolved around the Earth, and the Earth was the center of the entire universe. Galileo Galelie later disproved this theory. Even with growing knowledge in the field, it was not until 1957 when the first Earth orbiter, the Soviets Sputnik 1, was sent into space and placed in orbit at an altitude of 1,370 miles and weighed ! 184 pounds. Later in that year, the Soviets sent Sputnik 2 into space with a dog named Laika. Laika was the first animal to venture into space. Then in 1985, the United States successfully sent their very own satellite into space. In 1960, the Soviets launched to dogs into space and successfully returned them to Earth. From this point started the space race. The space race was a challenge between the USSR and the United States to see who could land a man on the moon first. In 1961, the first man in space was cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin who was in space for 60 minutes before returning to Earth in Vostok 1 and was sent by the USSR. Astronaut Shepard flew the first manned sub-orbital space-flight by the Americans. The first true American orbital flight was by John Glen and he stayed in space for five hours in Mercury 6 in 1962. Then in 1963, the USSR sent the first woman into space; her name was Valentina Tereshkova-Nikaleva. They also had the first person to take a space-walk in 19 65. In 1968, the...

Reasearch Paper Research Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Reasearch - Research Paper Example Over the years, humans have become quite adept of getting the resources that they need to the places that they are required in the shortest amount of time possible. The process of spatial interaction also helps to explain why some areas of the world have a deficit in some areas of need, while others have a surplus. This can be seen in the case of most of West Africa not receive an equal distribution of food and vital resources to sustain its populace, while the countries of Western Europe seem to have more than enough (Anselin, 2008). If spatial interaction can be used to better examine how to more equally distribute these goods and services via a complex web of transportation networks, then the global population can perhaps become more balanced in terms of the ‘haves and have nots’. Spatial interaction is directly related to economic growth. The distribution of goods and services is predicated on the economic model of supply and demand. There continues to be a wide gulf in terms of relative wealth between the respective regions of the world. In fact, much research is currently focused on better understanding the regional disparities that exist between one country and the next, and much of this focus in on spatial interaction. In considering this issues, it is helpful to discuss the long-run economic growth model present by Solow. This particular model discusses the gap in spatial interaction by looking at the variables of educational capital, health capital, migration, and certain spillovers in knowledge (Anselin, 2008). Where these variables converge or diverge deterring how countries and regions differ in terms of their ability to provide the populace with a steady flow of the goods that are required to sustain a balanced and normal life. There are various external factors related to investment in infrastructure and logistics that affect the economic

Ethics and Corporate Responsibility in the Workplace and the World Assignment

Ethics and Corporate Responsibility in the Workplace and the World - Assignment Example This essay discusses that PharmaCARE Company misuses the U.S. law to protect its own intellectual property at the same time assimilating Colberian people intellectual property. It has broken a number of laws and at the same time launching We CARE about YOUR world initiative, the main role of which is to protect and save the environment using a change of packaging and recycling. In addition, the Company will position itself as the one that used Colberians data for free. Similar unethical business practice is traced through the case with GlaxoSmithKline, which is one of the top global vaccine manufacturers. The company was fined up to eighty-eight thousand dollars for conducting the illegal lab vaccine trials between 2007 and 2008, which caused the death of fourteen babies. Such unethical behavior and absence of procedural standards discovered the vaccine scandal in the developed world. Such fine was realized as the largest ever and in health care, it became the largest fraud in the hi story of U.S.Such unethical behavior of the healthcare establishments brings discredit to the system in general, where people cannot be safe purchasing medications or addressing their concerns to the medical institutions. The more severe legislation would allow companies to think over their actions toward all the parties that are involved in the process. Moreover, good and bad cases would allow people and companies to come to right conclusions and learn by previous experience to avoid same mistakes in the future.

The Real White Mans Burden Irony and Symbolism

The Real White Mans Burden Irony and Symbolism I aim to evaluate the use of irony and symbol in the poems The White Mans Burden and the Real White Mans Burden to see how effective both writers were in using these elements to convey meanings. In the case of Kipling, I will consider two points of views. The first point of view is that Kipling was an imperialist who supports the take over of other governments to show superiority. The second point of view is that Kipling was an imperialist who supports the take over of other governments as an act of humanity to bring civilization to the uncivilized and, that he warns of the perils of showing superiority as oppose to bringing true liberation. In the case of Crosby, since he presents a single view point, I will evaluate his effectiveness of using irony and symbolism in parodying the work of Kipling. Effectively used, irony and symbol could convey a message with more than one meaning as demonstrated in Rudyard Kiplings poem The White Mans Burden or, they could convey a single message de monstrated in Ernest H. Crosbys poem The Real White Mans Burden. In the final analysis, I submit that the effective use of the elements of poetry, in this case, irony and symbol, are vital to the correct interpretation and understanding of the meaning of both poems. In order to establish a well-rounded understanding of the basis for the two interpretations of Kiplings work and the single interpretation of the work of Crosby, I submit definitions for the terms imperialism, irony, and symbol. These definitions will also serve to show whether or not there was effectiveness in the use of the elements of poetry, in both poems. As defined by Dictionary.Com: Imperialism is the policy of extending the rule or authority of an empire or nation over foreign countries, or of acquiring and holding colonies and dependencies. Irony is the discrepancy between what is said, done, expected or intended, and what is meant, what happens, and what others understand. Satirical irony is the exposure of the vices or follies of an individual, a group, an institution, an idea, a society, usually with a view to correct the folly. Symbol is anything that stands for something else. (Dictionary.Com) Having establishing the definitions, I will now analyze the use of irony and symbols in Ruyard Kiplings poem. While Kipling uses both irony and symbols, his use of irony is greater. Kiplings expertly uses irony to bring about the intended end result of two opposing perspectives as to whether imperialism is for human good or elitist gain. In the first view point, Kipling uses the poem The White Mans Burden to encourage America to take over the Phillipines imperialistically or, for elitist gain. Kipling writes: Take up the White mans burden / Send forth the best ye breed / Go bind your sons in exile / To serve your captives need; (1-4) The first observation of the poem is Kiplings decision to call the poem The White Mans Burden. Undoubtedly, the use of the phrase White Man is the lightening rod that sparks the view that Kiplings position was that of an imperialist having at its core the tenets of Social Darwinism. According to Kretchner, the concept of Social Darwinism purports that natural order obligates powerful, civilized nations to appropriate the limited resources of the weak. (Kretchmar) Hence, Kiplings urging of America to assist the Phillipines to reach civilization may be interpreted as him supporting the imperialistic movement. Even further, Kiplings encouragement that the empire should send forth the best ye breed has very strong racial connotations. During that time in history, blacks were not considered as equals to whites in America. The unequal treatment of blacks was so prevalent in Americas economic, political, and social systems that James Weldon Johnson, writes Lift Every Voice and Sing also known as the Black National Anthem, to encourage black people to sing and march until victory is won. This cry for equality continues in 1968, with Martin Luther King still only having a dream of equality. Though, in 2008, Barrack Obama becomes the first black President, there still remains the cry for true equality. In addition to the charges to Take up White Mans burden / Send forth the best ye breed(1-2), Kiplings use of phrases such as To veil the threat of terror / And check the show of pride. (11-12) asserts that the Empire must do what is necessary to eliminate resistance and to subdue insurrections against Imperialism. Not only should the Empire silence the voices of the captives, but she must also limit or remove any signs of pride that they might muster. Further, Kiplings characterizations of the people as On fluttered folk and wild / New caught- sullen peoples, / Half-devil and half-child. (6-8) may be easily construed as connatively condescending. Kipling seems to imply that the empire must be prepared to reinforce her stance By open speech and simple / A hundred times make plain (13-14). Kiplings distinction of the empire seem to be lofty in its tone. By marrying the symbols of the captives as being inferior people to the santimonious responsibility of the Empire to bring civility to the uncivilized, one can conclude that Kipling supports that the Empire is superior and hence has the responsibility to bring civility to the uncivilized. Ironically, the same body of work that interpretively champions the Empire as being superior to the captives, implores the empire to be fair and complete in its liberation of the captives. The second point of view to the work of Kipling in the The White Mans Burden is 4that he advocates for the fair treatment of the captives. Kiplings urging of the empire to liberate the captives and to take care of their needs can be found throughout his poem. According to Bonamy Dobree, while speaking to Canadians in 1907, Kipling said: I have, I confess it now, done my best for about twenty years to make all men of  the sister nations within the Empire interested in each other. Because I know that at heart all our men are pretty much alike, in that they have the same aspirations, and when all is said and done we have only each other to depend upon. (Dobree 80) Kipling demonstrates a view consistent to those who believe that true liberation is not oppressive. For example, he writes: Take up the White Mans burden / The savage wars of peace- / Fill full the mouth of Famine / And bid the sickness cease; (17-20) Further, Kipling warns the Empire that all of its actions or inactions, all that it say or not say will help to determine how the captives view the Empire and its God. Here is what Kipling says: By all ye cry or whisper, / By all ye leave or do, / The silent, sullen peoples / Shall weigh your gods and you. (45-48) In addition to how the captives view the Empire and its God, Kipling writes that other countries and future generations will also look at the treatment of the captives and judge the Empire. Kipling goes on to tell the empire not to celebrate its victory or relish in the praise, since these acts are childish, but that the Empire should be more concern with how the work would be judged by the Empires peers for years to come.To encapsulate the view that Kipling wanted the Empire to bring civilization without showing superiority, his closing verse from the poem is submitted. Kipling writes: Take up the White Mans burden / Have done with childish days / The lightly preferred laurel, / The easy, ungrudged praise. / Comes now, to search your manhood / Through all the thankless years / Cold. Edged with dear-bought wisdom, / The judgment of your peers! (49-56) These words clearly indicate that Kipling encourage the Empire to be honorable in its dealings with the Natives. Contrary to the school of thought that Kipling advocates civilization with true liberation, is Crosbys position that the Empire uses blessings as a doorway to go in and take away the true riches of the people and in exchange gives them an oppressive life style. Unlike Kiplings rendering of his poem, The White Mans Burden where he shows his trust for the Empire, Crosby in his parody The Real White Mans Burden, blatantly shows his mistrust of the Empire. Most importantly, though he employs heavy use of irony and symbols to demonstrate his opposing view of the Empire, Crosby does not dillute the single message of his poem. First, Crosbys title of the poem is a clear indicator of his dissent from Kiplings views. He uses the term White Man to solidify the object of his remarks, but, he goes further by using the word Real which ironically implies that there is a masking of the truth. Crosbys title speaks strongly of his judgment against the Empire. Historically, his point of view is drawn from his experiences as a social activist and as a black man living in America at the time of the Spanish American War. According to an essay by Andrew Hebard, Crosbys position on Imperialism mirrors that of Amy Kaplan who says imperialism is as a network of power relations that changes over space and time and is riddled with instability, ambiguity, and disorder, rather than as a monolithic system of domination that the very word empire implies. (Hebard) Next, are observations of the blending of symbol and irony used by Crosby to demonstrate his view of the Empire. Crosby believes that the motive of the Empire is ill-willed. He also believes that their chaiotic sytems bring failure, and the Empire dangle proverbial carrots in exchange for far more valuable gains. Crosbys position is that the eventual outcome of imperialism will be social, economical, and political oppression. At this time, a detailed look at Crosbys use of irony and symbols to depict the social climate that prevailed in America, the climate which he opposed to being introduced to the Natives, is warranted. Crosby asserts: Take up the White Mans burden; / Send forth your sturdy sons, / And load them down with whisky / And Testaments and guns. (1-4) Ironically, these lines subliminally say that the drinking of whiskey mask the truth, since it is widely known that people who consume too much alcohol are not as cognitively aware as they should be and, therefore, not able to think correctly are apt to believe anything told to them. Further, being loaded down with whiskey causes a usually sturdy person to stagger, and even fall. More overtly though, is the fact that Testament represents truth and wholesomeness, and guns represent power and destruction. But, because the minds are altered with alcohol, the masking of the real motive is easily perpetrated. There is a strong possibility that the soldiers will introduce the social ill of alcoholism to the natives, and will also help to spread propoganda about the good of imperialisim thereby causing the natives to become drunk and misinformed. The abililty of the natives to think reasonably correct about their condition will be diminished. To further support his view of social failure and to show that the Empire thinks that the Natives have limited information and can be easily captured if not military, certainly they can be captured through the spread of socially communicable diseases. Crosby writes: Throw in a few diseases / to spread in tropic climes, / For there the healthy niggers / Are quite behind the times. (5-8) Crosby bolsters his position of social oppression by saying: Give them electrocution chairs, / And prisons too, galore, / And if they seem inclined to kick, / Then spill their heathen gore. (21-24) The symbols of electrocution chairs, prisons, and gore ironically speaks of death both physically and mentally. Physically speaking, there is the death of the person whether by electrocution, or the spilling of the blood. Then, there is death of having freedom of space, since prisons limit movement. While subtle, based on Crosbys account, the intention to kill the dreams of the natives, screams from the pages of history. Crosby knows from his experience, that if any form of resistance, whether through word or action, is shown, if any attempt to pursue any dreams, ideologies, or customs that threatens the goals of the Empire is made, that the Empire would by any means necessary, ensure that the pursuit of those dreams was deferred and dry up like A Raisins in the Sun. (Diyanni 1870 ) In addition to social oppression, Crosby purports that the Natives will be opressed economically through hard labor as well as through the Empires system of taxation and debt. The view point of oppresive labor is aptly projected through the use of irony. Crosby claims: And dont forget the factories. / on those benighted shores / They have no cheerful iron mills / Nor eke departmemnt stores / They never work twelve hours a day, / And live in strange content. (9-14) Through his masterful use of irony, Crosby argues that the natives, who did not work as long hours as did the Americans, were very content with what little they thought they had. However, the bigger issue for Crosby appears to be that Empire knew that the natives were actually very successful and wealthy and sought to make them believe that their way of life was inadequate, and to turn them from being owners of the land to laborers in the land so that the Empire may be expanded. (A perfect combination of imperialism and colonialism!) Even more indicative of his stance against economic oppression, Crosby decried the imposing of taxation and debt. He writes: Take up the White Mans burden, / And teach the Phillipines / What interest and taxes are / and what a mortgage means. (17-20) Again, in Crosbys minds eye, there is the irony of a people who are successful in their simple but, independent way of life who being militarily inferior are consequently forced to become failures by their dependence on a monstrous financial system. In a final attempt to show the fallacy of the Empire, Crosby highlights the political climate that the Empire embraces. He pens: They need our labor question, too, / And politics and fraud. / Weve made a pretty mess at home; / Lets make a mess abroad. (25 -28) The irony in these lines humorously evaluate the endeavor of the Empire to fix anothers problem, when it cannot solve its own problems. In a nutshell, Crosby believes that Imperialism is a preposterous veiled attempt to cloak greed in kind deeds by using methods that are disfunctional. In summarizing his single message of the failure and hypocrisy of the Empire, Crosby does three things. First he mocks what the Empire regards as a valiant mission, Next, he shows the unparrarel trade that the Empire wants, and then, he addresses the faà §ade of the scripting of the mission that the Empire prefer to be written in the annals of history. The use of satirical irony and symbols are well armoured vehicles to deliver these points. Crosby declares: Take up the White Mans burden; / to you who thus succeed / In civilizing savage hordes / They owe a debt, indeed; (33 -36) Crosby questions the validity of the mission. He goes on to weigh the exchange between the Empire and the Natives. He adds: Concessions, pensions, salaries, / And priviledge and right, / with outstretched hands you raised to bless / Grab everything in sight. (37 -40). In terms of irony, not only is there a contrast between how much is given verses how much is taken, but, also of what is given verses what is taken. The natives receive a few limited handouts like agreements, benefits, and paychecks and, in exchange the Empire takes ownership of the natives land and naturual resources. Interpretively, Crosby demostrates this transaction as a falling leap by going from owning to owing; which is very much an uneven trade. Finally, he attacks the hypocrisy of using the art of writing to distort the issue and hide the true motive of the Empire. It is necessary to present the catalog of words Crosby uses to expose what he views as being socially, economically, and politically incorrect . Crosby concludes: Take up the White Mans burden, / And if your write in verse, / Flatter your Nations vices, / And strive to make them worse. / Then learn that if with pious words / you ornament each phrase, / In a world of canting hypocrites / This kind of business pays. (41 48) Fittingly, Crosby uses satirical irony to reveal the true motive of the insincere enthusiam that Crosby believes Kipling is showing for the Empires high ideals of pious goodness. Crosby is successful in presenting the single viewpoint of the Empires greed disguised as bringing civility to the uncivilized. In conclusion, the expert use of irony and symbol by both Kipling and Crosby prove to be excellent conveyors of the poets messages. Kiplings use of irony and symbol brillantly delivered two very contradictory positions. He lauds Imperialism by advocating that it is the responsibility of civilized nations to help to bring civilization to underdeveloped nations. He also decries the pride of thinking to be superior and being unfair to people perceived to be less finanically fortunate, not as socially advanced, and not as politically savvy. Like Kipling, Crosby employs irony and symbols to deliver his solo message. Crosbys message is that the Empire is hypocrital in its motive and that the gist of what they really wanted to do was camoflagued by missions to humanity, and described as helping to bring civilization to the uncivilized. Clearly, the poets use of irony and symbol shaped the understanding and interpretation of the poems intended meanings. The use of Irony and Symbol was so wel l executed, there remains no argument as to the value of these elements in both poems.

How is Act 1 scene 3 dramatic for both modern and Jacobean audiences? Essay

This scene comes quite early in the play. It is the first real section of plot in the play. In the previous scenes, we have only really been given the history of the characters and are introduced to the characters. In the first scene, three weird sisters or witches are holding a meeting. They arrange where their next meeting will be held. FIRST WITCH Where the place? SECOND WITCH Upon the Heath. THIRD WITCH There to meet with Macbeth This creates suspense, as we know that Macbeth is an important character as he is the title role, but we do not know why he would want to meet with the witches or why the witches would want to meet with him. This scene makes this scene more dramatic. The fact that the scene opens with the witches suggests that they will be important later on and so when we see them again the audience assumes that something exciting is going to happen. William Shakespeare uses to create drama. This scene has many different interpretations and could be staged in many different ways. In the RSC production of Macbeth (1978), starring Judy Dench and Ian McKellen, this scene is staged with the witches all close together, writhing on the ground. They are dressed from head to toe in black rags and shawls cover their faces. When the shawls are removed, we can see that they are hideous. Their faces frighten the audience, adding to the drama. The third witch is portrayed as the most powerful witch, but also he most hideous. Spit is hurled from her mouth as she talks and she seems to have no control over whether she is dribbling or not. This physically repels Macbeth and the audience and ads to the drama of the scene. Macbeth and Banquo have an air of swaggering bravado, but in an exaggerated way, as if they seek to cover their fear. The fact that we can tell that they are afraid makes us more anxious as we know that they are hardened fighters, with seemingly no fear. This scene is also in semi-darkness, which adds drama as we imagine their surroundings and we cannot really see what is happening. The Edward Hall production of Macbeth (2002), starring Sean Bean and Samantha Bond, shows the witches as beautiful women. They begin the scene with their heads covered by a shawl and are also dressed in black, but they wear beautiful satin dresses. They are positioned at the front of they stage at in the centre and at the two corners so when Macbeth and Banquo arrive on the scene, they are surrounded. This is dramatic as the audience can see that it will be hard for Macbeth and Banquo to escape if the witches attack them. In both of these productions, Macbeth’s soliloquies are said aloud as they are stage productions. This seems dramatic as it feels as if everyone else can almost hear Macbeth’s secrets, ideas, and plans. Although it is obvious that we can hear Macbeth’s thoughts in a way that the characters in the play cannot, there is still a little bit of excitement as to what would happen if his thoughts were overheard. The film version of Macbeth directed by Polanski (date), starring Jon Finch and Francesca Annis, is staged very differently to either of the stage versions. Because it is filmed, not acted Polanski is not restricted by any of the problems of a stage production. This scene is set outside in the Scottish Highlands. This is dramatic as it is more realistic. The witches vary in age and in looks. Two of the witches are very old and ugly, but the third is young and pretty. In contradiction with the RSC production, this witch is silent and does not seem to be able to speak. Shakespeare uses imagery to make this play dramatic. Shakespeare first creates an ominous atmosphere. The witches are involved in cursing a sailor. I’ll drain him dry as hay: Sleep shall neither night nor day Hang upon his penthouse lid; He shall live a man forbid. This shows us how the witches are capable of killing a man. This adds to our fear. This can also symbolise what is in store for Macbeth’s life, which is like a turbulent sea. The sailor is captain of a ship, just as Macbeth will be King and like the captain who lost everything so Macbeth will have his downfall. It shows how Macbeth will weather the storms of life. This prepares the audience for the fact that they will be witnessing unpredictable events, and much confusion adding suspense. They rhyme of the witches’ words and metre add a chant like quality to what the witches say. I’ll drain him dry as hay: a Sleep shall neither night nor day a Hang upon his penthouse lid; b He shall live a man forbid. b Shakespeare gives the witches an unstructured metre, different to the strict iambic pentameter of the other characters, to make them seem different, almost supernatural. This also refers to a traditional belief that witches spells are chanted. Shakespeare also uses alliteration, assonance, and internal rhyme to add drama. Thrice to thine, and thrice to mine, And thrice again, to make up nine. The alliteration of thrice and thine and the assonance of the -ine sound add to the supernatural feeling. Shakespeare also gives the witches single syllables meaning each word sounds heavy. This supports the heaviness of what the witches are planning. The witches also stress the number three. They repeat it three times. In our culture the number three, has always held an importance and some kind of magic. When Macbeth and Banquo enter, Macbeth says ‘So foul and fair a day I have not seen’. This reminds us of the first scene where the witches chanted, ‘Fair is foul, and foul is fair’. This serves as a reminder that the witches are hidden in wait for Macbeth and Banquo and reminds us that they wish to meet Macbeth, adding suspense. The witches speak in riddles to Macbeth and Banquo. FIRST WITCH Lesser than Macbeth and greater. SECOND WITCH Not so happy and yet much happier. THIRD WITCH Thou shall get kings, though thou be none.

Practical Criticism of the Poem Futility by Wilfred Owen Essay

The poem begins with an order â€Å"move him into the sun†. The persona seems to be desperate to move someone under the sun. The second line talks about the beginning of life when the rays of the sun must have touched the delicate body of the person as a baby. The following words â€Å"field unsown† refers to immaturity, incomplete life or a half grown state. It acts as a metaphor on the cycle of life. The persona continues to speak about the regular behavior of the person. He seemed to have been acquainted with the sun and life as well â€Å"until this morning† The words act as symbols of contrasts. Whereas the morning and the sun act as symbols of life, snow refers to death and gloom. The last two lines of the first stanza refer to sun as an elderly figure. It is significant through the words â€Å"pld sun†. In the second stanza, the persona talks about the strength of sun. While the sun once brought life to the cold barren earth, it appears unacceptable to the persona that the same sun cannot bring life in the lifeless young soldier. The persona directs the reader towards war and its consequences. He tells the reader that the soldier is still warm. He feels helpless to see the wrecked state of a human being who bears no significance after his death. He is sad at his condition. The reference made to the Genesis and the creation of man from the clay can be seen in the fifth line of the second stanza. He complains that was it for this day that the human being grew up having been created by the Lord himself. The poem is an epitaph considering its style of construction. A melancholic and bitter tone is being carried out. a person , most probably a soldier is a young lad lies in battle field in a half dead condition. The themes such as the brutality of life and the pitiable consequences of war can be observed through the lines. In a nutshell the poem appears an intellectual criticism of war and its horrific consequences.